המכון הבינלאומי לחקר השואה

From Institute News No. 3 December 2003
New Research
Responses of Italian Jewry to the 1938 Racial Laws

by Dr. Iael Nidam-Orvieto
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

My research analyzes the impact of the antisemitic legislation on the everyday Jewish life in Italy and the reaction of Italian Jewry to the legislation during the years 1938-1943, in the period prior to the Nazi occupation of Italy and the beginning of the deportations of Jews from Italy to extermination camps. The issue of the Jewish responses to the racial policy has never been fully investigated. Therefore, the goal of my research has been to analyze this subject from the point of view of the individual and the Jewish leadership in order to study the Jews as subjects and not merely as objects of the events.

The Jewish community in Italy is one of the most ancient in the Diaspora. Jews arrived to Rome in 160 BCE when envoys from Judah Maccabee (Judas Maccabeus) arrived to solicit an alliance from the Roman Senate. In 70 CE the Romans destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem, breaking the political alliance. The Emperor Titus brought Jewish slave laborers to Rome to join the ranks of the newly enslaved Roman community. This relatively small Jewish community soon came to be effected by the differing political systems and rulers that emerged throughout the region’s history.

After nearly two millennia of life under restrictions and religious persecution, the Jews in Italy achieved emancipation during the Italian Risorgimento in the 19th century. They became citizens who fought side by side with the rest of the Italian people, in search of freedom and unity. Their full integration into Italian society can be seen by their style of life and the increasing patterns of intermarriages that reached, during the first decades of the 20th century, up to 50% in some cities. By the 1930s, the Jewish inhabitants in Italy varied between 40,000 to 45,000 or one per thousand of the population. Italian Jewry belonged mainly to the middle and upper-middle classes, as an urban community whose educational level was above the national average. Jews were integrated into the Italian economic, cultural, and political life, and their social and political attitudes were similar to those of the rest of the Italian population. When Mussolini came to power in 1922, the response of the Jews compared favorably to the rest of the Italian populace; some immediately and enthusiastically joined the Fascist Party while others opposed it. For the most part, Jews, like the rest of the population, eventually came to accept Mussolini’s leadership and his totalitarian regime.

When the official anti-Jewish policy began in the summer of 1938, Italian Jews considered themselves and were considered by others to be equal citizens who love their country. Yet, in September 1938, the first antisemitic laws were promulgated despite the fact that several thousand Italian Jews belonged to the Fascist Party. Considering the lack of antisemitism in Italian society, the new laws were a great shock. It is important to emphasize that both the non-Jewish and the Jewish population believed the antisemitic laws were promulgated against Mussolini’s will and only in order to appease the German ally. Italian Jews, therefore, assumed that the new laws were meant only as a temporary discriminatory measure. However, this was not the case. The antisemitic legislation in Italy originated solely with Mussolini and not as a result of any Nazi pressure. Yet, the Jews’ trust in Mussolini and in Italian society continued during the following months when Mussolini introduced into the Italian antisemitic legislation the confusing concept of Discriminazione (discrimination). Under this concept, Jews who had particular merits and privileges could receive exemptions from some restrictions. Many Jews believed Mussolini would ensure that individual Jews deemed as good citizens would not be effected by the antisemitic legislation. A model citizen was one with strong Italian national, cultural, and social identification. However, as most Jews were losing their jobs and becoming more and more alienated, their espoused belief was traumatically revealed to be false.

By focusing on the aspects of everyday life and the Jewish responses, one can understand how incorrect is the positive image of Fascist Italy as a country which implemented a light antisemitic policy. Daily life was in actuality extremely harsh and tough under the new legislation, yet family members learned how to cope with their economic stress, the sense of despondency, and their feelings of betrayal caused by the forced division from the rest of society. Italian Jews, for the most part, did not remain passive when the antisemitic legislation was ratified. Rather, they searched for solutions in accordance with their understanding of the situation, social status, and in regards to each person’s own possibilities and means.

Jews responded to their situation in a variety of ways, such as writing letters of protest or petition, mainly to Mussolini, whom many continued to view as their protector, and were convinced that he would not disappoint them. Between 1938-1943, the Italian government received more than 1,000 letters addressed to Mussolini and to King Victor Emmanuel III. Those who wrote letters believed that direct appeals would, in the least, bring about some amelioration of the Jews’ conditions or, at best, abolish of the antisemitic laws. As one person wrote in a letter to Mussolini, “I am not arguing with the law…but allow me to say that this was not decided out of free will, it was imposed on you by your German ally…abolish some of the laws, it is not too late…” These letters reflect a wide range of feelings and individual perceptions, which have enabled me to come to a deep understanding of the period.

A second and important aspect of my research deals with the Jewish leadership. Until today, this subject has not yet been dealt with in depth because of the sensitivity of the issue. By conducting a comprehensive study of the two consecutive Italian Jewish leadership groups of Frederico Jarach and Aldo Ascoli and later of Dante Almansi and Lelio Vittorio Valobra, it became evident that the Jewish collective memory judges the whole issue from an emotional point of view. It is commonly believed that the first leadership group lacked any capacity to cope with the situation and failed to proudly represent Italian Jewry by acquiescing to the authorities.

The second leadership is believed to have totally changed this pattern, acting effectively and dynamically, and, therefore, restoring the lost self-pride of the Jewish community. From my historical reconstruction, I came to the conclusion that it is impossible to make a clear dichotomy between the two leadership groups because of how the surrounding circumstances, external influences, and the sequence of events influenced the actions and impressions of each particular leadership group. However, from a holistic analysis of each period and leadership response, I have determined that both leadership groups were not so different in their thoughts, perceptions, and strategies. The main difference between the two groups emerge from a better understanding of the real situation of the Jews, which was only possible during the period of the second leadership, because of the passing of time.

The increase of antisemitism, the ratification of more legislation against the Jews, and the negative answers to the numerous petitions led to a sobering realization of the gravity of the situation for the Jews in Italy. Italian Jews realized that, although they had remained legal citizens, their civil rights had been severely violated. They were no longer allowed to live freely. It was difficult for many of them to accept that Mussolini, the man who had attacked Nazi barbarism, would eventually turn against his loyal Jewish citizens. However, after finally realizing that they would not be allowed to live in and serve Italy as they had done since the Risorgimento, the Jews of Italy understood that the racial laws were intended to be permanent and their situation would only worsen. In September 1943, the Nazis occupied most of Italy and ushered in the time of deportations to the East, which caused the Jews of one of the most ancient community in the Diaspora to either flee, go into hiding, or be deported to their deaths.

I believe that today, more than sixty years after the Holocaust, we are better able to analyze the period 1938-1943 not only from a moral perspective, but also from a historical one. This topic poses major and fascinating questions such as the connection between identity and strategies of reaction on the individual level and in the public sphere. Clearly, the Zionists and the anti-Fascists were more likely to understand the reality into which they were thrown. We must remember that the reality was extremely confounding and unclear. This was partly directed by the Fascist state, which tried to confuse its victims, in order to avoid any antagonism with Italian society as well as the Jewish community. It was difficult to comprehend the intention of the state, but with time most of the Jews attained a better insight. They realized that, despite their profound love for Italy, they had been shunned and cast out from the society to which they so strove to belong.

Dr. Iael Nidam-Orvieto lectures on Holocaust history at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She has recently completed her Ph.D. on the history of Italian Jewry during the Fascist period.